By they had completed the fortification Maharashtra State Gazeteer , : Meanwhile, the Portuguese built a lookout tower on the promontory across the river from the Chaul fort cf. The content of a letter from attests that there was by then a Portuguese commercial presence in Chaul, probably a contingent of traders linked to the feitoria there. Melique, the Muslim ruler, blocked this, then moved against the further fortification of the Portuguese fort in Chaul, seeking to occupy the morro with his own troops.
A truce was finally reached, which lasted until April Andrade, : 9 , when the Muslim troops again attempted, this time with success, to occupy the morro and thereafter began to fortify it. Andrade, a chronicler of the Portuguese court at that time, provides a detailed account of the war involving the fortification of the morro , in which he describes the area where the fighting took place between April of and September of At the time of the war—some eighty years after the Korlai area had been settled by the Portuguese, there were around casados , i.
Portuguese men married to indigenous women, living inside the Chaul fort, along with around Muslim and Hindu shop-keepers with their families for a total of around two thousand inhabitants Andrade, : 11— Melique and his troups temporarily occupied the morro , but after a series of struggles, the Portuguese retook the promontory.
They had to rebuild the morro fort, as it had been nearly entirely destroyed in the battle. Although to date, I have not identified any incontrovertible proof, it seems likely that at that time a market consisting principally of creole-speaking Indian-Christian vendors formed at the base of the fort on the morro to sell goods to the Christian soldiers stationed in the fort there.
Following the arguments and the reasoning to be presented, these Indian-Christian vendors would have been the second or third generation of creole speakers. The market they created would not have necessarily replaced the market already there, but would have been an addition to it. But what led to the formation of what we call today Korlai Creole Portuguese? I have given some details regarding a possible scenario. Further details are laid out in the next section. These men were for the most part from the lower classes of Portuguese society Boxer, : The emigration of Portuguese women to Asia was exceedingly rare compared with that of the men.
And the Portuguese crown is said to have discouraged their women from going out to the colonies Boxer, : 64— The few women who did travel to India with the Portuguese were either Arabic women taken from Kilwa present-day southeast Tanzania to Cannanore and Cochin at the beginning of the Portuguese colonisation of India Germano da Silva Correia, : — , 4 or they were Portuguese women who stayed in Goa or moved to the Province of the North, which consisted of the coastal area between Chaul and Daman Boxer, : Many of the Portuguese who practiced polygamy in this form became casados , men who had gone to Asia in service of the Crown and the Church, who after reaching India married native women and were then allowed to leave the royal service and settle down as citizens or traders Boxer, : 58; 68, note 3.
But the Portuguese casados also had concubines and often owned slaves as well, both men and women, to carry out farm and other types of work cf. Boxer, : 61— I suggest that these individuals would have significantly less than full and direct access to Portuguese due to the caste-based divisions. From very early on there is evidence of Indo-Portuguese offspring in India.
Your Reverence must know that it is fifty years since the Portuguese began to inhabit these regions of India. Whereas all those who came out here were soldiers, who went about conquering lands and enslaving people, these same soldiers began to baptize the said people whom they enslaved, without any respect and reverence for the sacrament, and without any catechizing or indoctrination. And since the inhabitants of these countries are very miserable, poor and cowardly, some were baptized through fear, others through worldly gain, and others for filthy and disgusting reasons which I need not mention.
And not only was this in my opinion great abuse done in the beginning, but it continued even when India became full of Christian ecclesiastics, and it is still in vogue at the present day. Many people come in order to be baptized, and I ask them why they want to become Christians?
Some reply because the lord of the land tyrannizes and oppresses them, and others reply that they must become Christians because they have nothing to eat. Although the incorporation of Indo-Portuguese offspring as well as native Indians into the Catholic Church meant that a new element of that society was beginning to emerge, it took place—as alluded to above—within the well-entrenched and rigid caste system of India, which the Portuguese in vain tried to abolish Boxer, : Evidently, the town grew quickly: In a letter dated from the Portuguese king D.
It is reasonable to assume that when the Portuguese arrived in Chaul in they found a vast majority of the population were Marathi-speaking Hindus, although the area was under the rule of Muslim lords. It was the lower-caste Hindus that the Portuguese enslaved and with whom they mixed cf.
Boxer, : 59— The first Portuguese to arrive in Chaul were largely soldiers, also of socially lower classes Boxer, : 62— These men spoke their own dialect of Portuguese and had possibly been exposed to some forms of restructured Portuguese, such as L2 varieties spoken by foreigners they may have interacted with e. Clements, : ch. When communicating with non-Portuguese-speaking people, these Portuguese most likely used any and all means available to them to make themselves understood, as did their interlocutors. What we have, then, is a two-language contact situation in the Chaul area with Portuguese as the target language.
More precisely, the target for the newly enslaved and newly-baptised Indians was the language the soldiers spoke—most likely a mixture of natively-spoken Portuguese and different varieties of restructured Portuguese, including foreigner talk Clements, Because of the aforementioned caste barriers, the access to Portuguese on the part of these Indian slaves, concubines and their offspring was arguably only partial.
In this stage, two stages were included: in the first one, all the USFs that began their activity until September 30, were involved; in the second stage, all USFs would be involved and included contractualization for the year beginning October 1, Interestingly, here it is getting resurrected in colonial context. Prelude 1 I begin this paper with an extended quote by Michel Foucault precisely because this paper is very m But that was before the incursions of the Barbie aesthetic, celebrity models, satellite television and medical makeovers made it clear just how far some imported notions of beauty, desirability and health have encroached on Brazilian ideals once considered inviolate. Jogos de azar , Contractualization; Primary healthcare. Secretary of State, Ramos recorded the minutes of t
Thus, thrown into a new living situation and presented with incomplete input from a new language, which they were obliged to somehow learn, the Indians naturally tried to communicate, making guesses about what their Portuguese interlocutors would understand. For their part, the Portuguese most likely altered their speech to the extent that promoted the greatest likelihood of communication, using models that they had already been exposed to or restructuring their speech, as alluded to above.
The positively perceived instances of communication, that is, those that promoted intelligibility, were taken as successful by the speakers.
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The grammar of the emerging L2 variety, then, would have initially been a direct reflection of the shared successes partial as well as complete in communication experienced by the shifting recent converts and the colonial-language speakers. Instances of partial success would have yielded lexical items with altered meanings, due to substrate influence. I argue that nativisation occurred when the offspring of these Indian Christians began learning as a first language the variety of Portuguese spoken by one or more parents or guardians.
This process most likely happened with input from various adult L2 varieties, and possibly in situations in which children spoke among themselves—recall that there were Indo-Portuguese offspring in Chaul from very early on—in which case it is reasonable to speak of abrupt rather than gradual nativisation cf.
Thomason and Kaufman, : ch. With this new primary language connected to their new religious customs, I assume that these new Christians were also instrumental in the development of a new cultural and religious identity.
What is crucial to understand in this development is that once the lower-caste Hindus converted to Catholicism, they became doubly limited in their social contact with others, not only by the extremely strict constraints on social interaction placed on them by their caste, but by religious constraints that isolated them from their Hindu peers. It is not that the Indian Christians did not interact with Christians of other castes e. In particular, where before they could not marry outside of their group because of caste restrictions, after conversion they no longer married even Hindus of equal caste because of their new religion.
I have just outlined one feasible scenario for the formation of kcp. I have argued that the formation of kcp was abrupt, as just mentioned, and that this new variety was spoken as early on as as the pidginising variety at least by the lower-caste native Indian Christians, and as a first language by the Indo-Portuguese offspring.
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Brazil may well be the most body-conscious society in the world, but that body has always been Brazil's confident own -- not a North American or European one.
For women here that has meant having a little more flesh, distributed differently to emphasize the bottom over the top, the contours of a guitar rather than an hourglass, and most certainly not a twig. Anorexia, though long associated with wealthier industrialized countries, was an affliction all but unheard-of here. But that was before the incursions of the Barbie aesthetic, celebrity models, satellite television and medical makeovers made it clear just how far some imported notions of beauty, desirability and health have encroached on Brazilian ideals once considered inviolate.
By '' 'upgrading' to international standards of beauty,'' said Mary del Priore, a historian and co-author of ''The History of Private Life in Brazil,'' the country is abandoning its traditional belief that ''plumpness is a sign of beauty and thinness is to be dreaded. A generation ago, the ideal type here was Martha Rocha, a Miss Brazil from the mids. Even the famous ''girl from Ipanema,'' immortalized in the bossa nova song written in , illustrated the cultural differences that prevailed then: only in the English lyrics is she ''tall and tan and young and lovely.
But very little about Ms. She's a Barbie,'' one whose parents are of German descent. Novaes and others have noted that during the s and 70s, Brazilian girls played with a locally made doll named Susi, who, reflecting the national aesthetic, was darker and fleshier than her counterparts abroad.
But in the s, Barbie arrived, and by the mids, production of Susi dolls had ceased, though it has resumed in recent years in a sort of backlash.
Yet until recently no one here would ever have talked with admiration about having an hourglass figure like Barbie's, let alone the coat-hanger physiques of the international runways.